We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will be Killed With Our Families

When you deal with books on genocide, you’re usually looking at one of three different formats. The most commonly seen is probably the third person objective variety; the second is the first person narrative (the survivors tale); and the third is the fictionalized novel.

The last one is useful to those who study Holocaust/genocide literature, but of lesser value to those who want to study the dynamics and outcomes of a particular genocide. In We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will be Killed With Our Families, Philip Gourevitch manages to use his skills as a reporter to meld the third person narrative with eye-witness accounts to create a personal history of the Rwandan genocide that’s far more accessible than a traditional academic study.

What initially drew me into Gourevitch’s book is the fact that he and I share the same questions. Like myself, he wants to know, more than anything else, how such an atrocity can happen.

No doubt, the promise of material gain and living space did move some killers. But why hasn’t Bangladesh, or any other terribly poor and terribly crowded place of the many one might name, had a genocide? Over population doesn’t explain why hundreds of thousands of people agreed to murder nearly a million of their neighbors in the course of a few weeks. Nothing really explains that. [p.180]

He goes on to outline a laundry list of reasons that are at least marginally responsible for the sudden swell toward genocide – including precolonial inequalities, the hierarchical government, the Hamitic myth, the economic collapse of the 1980’s, the extremist Hutu Power, propaganda, superstition, ignorance, alcoholism, and any number of other factors that figure into the complex cultural soup that still exists in Rwanda today.

By using a series of visits to the country and interviewing those who took part in the genocide as well as the survivors, he manages to weave together a depiction that is both vivid and frightening. Unlike the Holocaust, where the victims are looking back at an atrocity that happened fifty or sixty years ago, Gourevitch is able to talk with people who are still struggling with what happened, and living in the state of uncertainty that follows any genocidal outbreak.

While the Rwandan genocide differed greatly from the Holocaust, the sense of separation, extremism, and fear are clearly palpable through Gourevitch’s interviews in a way that eerily echoes the past. It’s through this accessibility that we see how little has changed since those nationalistically turbulent days, and through this narrative, we can clearly see the cautionary signs of what we might expect as Darfur continues to deteriorate.

It’s this tangible quality that makes We Wish to Inform You a valuable book on modern genocide.

Iranian president charged?

John Bolton, the outgoing US ambassador to the United Nations, will be joining the call to bring charges against Iran’s President Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad for inciting genocide. The idea of charging Ahmadi-Nejad arises on the heels of the Iranian Holocaust conference, which has been drawing huge complaints internationally. A study produced by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the International Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists concluded that the President of Iran was promoting a campaign of hate against Israel and the Jewish people.

A series of remarks by Mr Ahmadi-Nejad, including one in which he reportedly questioned whether Zionists were human beings, “constitute direct and public incitement to genocide”, the study alleges. While reminiscent of incitement before the Rwanda genocide, “the critical difference is that while the Hutus in Rwanda were equipped with machetes, Iran, should the international community do nothing to prevent it, will soon acquire nuclear weapons,” it says.

Even as the Iranian Mission to the UN countered that the international court should be looking at the genocide of Palestinian people by the Israeli government, the lack of movement to “prevent” a genocide from occurring in parts of the world where “vulnerable populations [can’t] defend themselves” continues to be an enduring problem.

Darfur Plan B

Even as the United Nations continues to put diplomatic pressure on Sudan to allow peacekeeping forces to replace the beleaguered African Union troops in Darfur, the Sudanese government maintains its position to resist any attempt at international intervention. Prime Minister Tony Blair stated that he would consider a “plan B” that would begin enforcement of a no-fly zone over the Darfur region.

Mengistu guilty

Mengistu Haile Mariam, the former Dictator of Ethiopia, was found guilty of genocide this week for killing thousands of citizens during the Red Terror. The 70 year old is currently in exile in Zimbabwe, where he’s been hiding since his ousting in 1991. His sentencing will take place December 28.

Darfur Q&A #3

Statistically, do you think the Darfur situation will supersede the Rwandan situation in the mid-1990s? What are the similarities in the buildup for each of these conflicts?

The Rwandan genocide was unique because of its swiftness. In 100 days, 800,000 people were killed. Darfur’s numbers don’t yet match that, but the conflict continues to rage unchecked, and Janjaweed have begun attacking refugee camps in Chad, it’s likely that the number of victims will continue to grow.

It’s important to keep in mind, however, that these raw numbers are not the best method for gauging the severity of any given genocide. In most cases, it’s the method and causes that defines how we view and discuss these atrocities rather than the number of victims.

The one overwhelming historical similarity to these two genocides is that both countries were former colonies, meaning that they wound up being an amalgam of peoples, cultures, tribes, and even languages. When the colonial powers pulled out of Africa, not only was a governing vacuum left, but a unifying cultural void was created.

To put it another way, there was nothing really holding these groups together as a nation. They were a huge grouping of tribes and traditions and in both cases, the leaders of their government wound up disliking one particular group.

Odette Nyiramilimo, a survivor of the Rwandan genocide, put it best when she said:

“The similarities are that the government has not done enough to protect its people. It is the government who has supported the killers — the Janjaweed — and did not prevent people from being killed. Like it happened in Rwanda: The government was arming the perpetrators –Interahamwe. That’s terrible to happen again in Darfur. That’s why we can say what is happening in Darfur is a genocide. Something has to be done. The people need to be protected and be considered as human beings having rights. There are so many similarities between the two governments–Rwanda 1994 and Darfur–in failing at their role of protecting their people.” (TNR Online, 07.19.06)